There was a fascinating article in The Economist the other day about how our benefits system works to keep people stuck on welfare. Specifically, it cuts off benefits at such a quick rate that only a fool would take a job. Let’s discuss.
The Economist began by acknowledging the massive success of welfare reform in 1996. The Republican-led Congress, with grudging agreement from Clinton, put limits on cash benefits and tightened the requirement for able-bodied claimants to seek work. The Democrats screamed that poor people would end up starving in the streets... never happened. Instead, the result was “impressive,” according to The Economist: people receiving cash benefits fell sharply from 12.3 million people to 4.1 million people and employment skyrocketed among single mothers. Everyone was better off.
Now people are talking reform again for ideological reasons, but there is little creative thinking. Conservatives want to cut or destroy these programs, Democrats want to expand them and eliminate requirements. That’s about as creative as it gets. No one is talking about simplifying the system or killing the bad incentives. Other countries are: Britain is trying to put all of its benefits in one place and put a cap on them and Germany combined its benefit centers with job centers and brought down its unemployment rate. We aren’t talking about any of that.
We should.
The first problem with our system is that it is so complex that it’s not even clear what everyone gets. For example, CATO just did a study which claimed that a single mother would get paid more benefits in 39 states than a secretary would be paid and, in 11 states, the single mother would get more than a first year teacher. Clearly, that would discourage working, right?
Yeah, but CATO didn’t account for the fact that not everyone gets all the benefits. For example, only 15% of those who receive cash benefits (TANF) also get a housing benefit (what CATO counted as the largest benefit). CATO also failed to consider that some benefits (like food stamps and Medicaid) continue even after you get a job. In fact, most people receiving Medicaid and food stamps have jobs.
So the obvious question is that if we don’t know much about how the system actually works, then how can we know there is a problem? Well, the confusion itself is a problem. This confusion makes it hard to determine what works and what doesn’t, and whether or not the system actually discourages employment. Clearing up that confusion would go a long way toward (1) diagnosing the problems, (2) monitoring that people are getting what they need but aren’t taking advantage of the right hand not knowing what the left hand is doing, and (3) making reform more effective.
Further, the system does discourage work, and the Congressional Budget Office has proved it. The CBO examined the Pennsylvania scheme to see what happens as the benefits phase out. TANF vanishes once a person earns $4,900 a year. The Earned Income Tax Credit (given to 9.4 million people), gives a single mother a credit that rises to $3,250 per year if she makes between $9,600 and $17,500 in income each year, but then phases out fast. At $23,000 in income, the single mother loses food stamps and federal housing assistance.
The CBO then viewed these reductions as “taxes” for the sake of comparison. In other words, because these benefits declined as income rose, the CBO counted the loss of the benefits as a tax on the new income. This is actually a great way to look at the reduction of benefits because it shows exactly what the value of working is worth. And what the CBO found was that as the typical single mother earned more income, her effective marginal rate rose from 17% to 95%! Said differently, when you factored in the benefits lost by the single mother as she earns more income, she effectively keeps only 5% of what she earns from her new job.
This is solid proof that our system discourages people from working: would you work if you only kept 5% of what you earned? That needs to change. We need to reform the system to reduce benefits more smoothly, and to keep the effective taxation rate lower. In fact, I would suggest that the system should be designed to make sure the effective tax rate never rises above 20% if you want people to have an incentive to work.
Thoughts?
The Economist began by acknowledging the massive success of welfare reform in 1996. The Republican-led Congress, with grudging agreement from Clinton, put limits on cash benefits and tightened the requirement for able-bodied claimants to seek work. The Democrats screamed that poor people would end up starving in the streets... never happened. Instead, the result was “impressive,” according to The Economist: people receiving cash benefits fell sharply from 12.3 million people to 4.1 million people and employment skyrocketed among single mothers. Everyone was better off.
Now people are talking reform again for ideological reasons, but there is little creative thinking. Conservatives want to cut or destroy these programs, Democrats want to expand them and eliminate requirements. That’s about as creative as it gets. No one is talking about simplifying the system or killing the bad incentives. Other countries are: Britain is trying to put all of its benefits in one place and put a cap on them and Germany combined its benefit centers with job centers and brought down its unemployment rate. We aren’t talking about any of that.
We should.
The first problem with our system is that it is so complex that it’s not even clear what everyone gets. For example, CATO just did a study which claimed that a single mother would get paid more benefits in 39 states than a secretary would be paid and, in 11 states, the single mother would get more than a first year teacher. Clearly, that would discourage working, right?
Yeah, but CATO didn’t account for the fact that not everyone gets all the benefits. For example, only 15% of those who receive cash benefits (TANF) also get a housing benefit (what CATO counted as the largest benefit). CATO also failed to consider that some benefits (like food stamps and Medicaid) continue even after you get a job. In fact, most people receiving Medicaid and food stamps have jobs.
So the obvious question is that if we don’t know much about how the system actually works, then how can we know there is a problem? Well, the confusion itself is a problem. This confusion makes it hard to determine what works and what doesn’t, and whether or not the system actually discourages employment. Clearing up that confusion would go a long way toward (1) diagnosing the problems, (2) monitoring that people are getting what they need but aren’t taking advantage of the right hand not knowing what the left hand is doing, and (3) making reform more effective.
Further, the system does discourage work, and the Congressional Budget Office has proved it. The CBO examined the Pennsylvania scheme to see what happens as the benefits phase out. TANF vanishes once a person earns $4,900 a year. The Earned Income Tax Credit (given to 9.4 million people), gives a single mother a credit that rises to $3,250 per year if she makes between $9,600 and $17,500 in income each year, but then phases out fast. At $23,000 in income, the single mother loses food stamps and federal housing assistance.
The CBO then viewed these reductions as “taxes” for the sake of comparison. In other words, because these benefits declined as income rose, the CBO counted the loss of the benefits as a tax on the new income. This is actually a great way to look at the reduction of benefits because it shows exactly what the value of working is worth. And what the CBO found was that as the typical single mother earned more income, her effective marginal rate rose from 17% to 95%! Said differently, when you factored in the benefits lost by the single mother as she earns more income, she effectively keeps only 5% of what she earns from her new job.
This is solid proof that our system discourages people from working: would you work if you only kept 5% of what you earned? That needs to change. We need to reform the system to reduce benefits more smoothly, and to keep the effective taxation rate lower. In fact, I would suggest that the system should be designed to make sure the effective tax rate never rises above 20% if you want people to have an incentive to work.
Thoughts?
19 comments:
good article, and thanks for doing the groundwork. This is a subject where most of us instinctively feel there is a huge need for reform. As you suggest, though, the key is understanding exactly how the system works to make certain reform accomplishes what it is intended to do.
What's sad is that, if anyone would listen, people at or near the bottom could have told this problem a long time ago. Not in terms of effective marginal rates, but in terms that a step forward ends up being a huge jump back.
Unfortunately, both sides' native impulses prevent them from hearing what is being said. On the left, all they want to do is throw money at the problem, so exacerbate it by doing so. On the right, they just want to take money from the problem, which arguably gets us closer to a fix, but exacerbates the base problem.
One simple fix that should be made is an end to piggyback qualifications. Several assistance programs only standard for admittance is for the applicant to already be enrolled in another program. This causes several problems:
First, it is no kind of a real screening process.
Second, it stacks benefits on people who may not legitimately need them. How can we know?
Third, it creates a barrier against others who may legitimately need the particular assistance. Because they don't qualify for A, they are barred from B, with no other avenue.
Fourth, it contributes to the weaning problem. Benefits that come as a bundle get taken away as a bundle. Just because one need is met does not mean another has also gone away.
Disability is probably the best example of this. As soon as one qualifies for disability, the requirements for a whole host of other programs are automatically waved, whether it makes sense or not. While a disability may raise a number of needs, they are not always interrelated. One person may be completely unable to provide for himself while another only needs help with medical expenses.
Ensuring that each program requires it's own application process would be a good first step toward understanding the problem. It would also likely lead to some degree of necessary consolidation. The only major objection I would anticipate is that it would be "too burdensome" -- an argument that the public generally dismisses.
I agree. I remember Clinton-era workfare and the economy was hopping. Everybody did better, and working people had pride in accomplishment.
Thanks Jed. This is an area that needs reform. Unfortunately, the left doesn't want to reform it -- they love dependence, and most on the right aren't interested, they just want everyone cut off. So there are few people talking about this in any rational way. I thought this was a really solid bit of analysis in that it showed exactly what the problem is and it makes it easy to see how we should be thinking in terms of a solution.
Opus, It was a huge success. It dumped the lazy and freed up money to be used in better ways... and it was all over the screaming opposition of the Democrats.
I totally agree about the pride in accomplishment. That's why I think the massive unemployment rate right now, especially among the young, is a really bad sign for the future.
tryanmax, I agree across the board. This has been something people on welfare have been saying for a long time, but no one listens. It's a bit like prison reform -- everyone has staked out big picture ideological positions and no one cares what is really needed by way of reform.
I think the keys to reform would be:
1. Consolidate all public assistance benefits into one place. The example always given of how messed up this is, is why does the Dept. of Agriculture run food stamps? They should all be together and each person have a single account that can be monitored.
2. Combine these offices with things like job centers or training departments.
3. All benefits need rational qualifications and rational limits.
4. As noted in the article, we need to make sure that the marginal "tax rate" of these benefits never rises so high that people lose the incentive to take the next step.
Amen, brutha Price (you, too, tryanmax and Opus)!!! As with education, I also advocate getting the federal government as far from the administration of welfare programs as possible. Keep it local, states' rights-ers!
FYI - Ted Cruz has taken over the Senate and is doing a real "Mr Smith Goes to Washington" filibuster. He says he will hold the floor "until [he] is no longer able to stand". Let the opera begin...
Shall we take bets as to how long he can go? Since he is a seasoned litigator, I am guessing somewhere between "until hell freezes over" to "forever". Any takers?
Eric, When it comes to welfare, I don't care who handles it, just so it gets a clean reform.. Unfortunately, few people are talking about reform at the moment. They are actually talking anti-reform.
Bev, I give him a couple hours. He knows he can't win, so he's just doing it for show.
Oh, and add Brit Hume to the list of dirty RINOs. He's being torn apart at Daily Caller right now for acknowledging reality.
I think you're right and I think this is just for show too. Kind of like "We tried really hard to get rid of this awful mess that we didn't vote for. We've tried over and over and I even filibustered until I puked and fell over to no avail. If you have problems, blame them, not us. WE tried to stop it..." Something like that anyway.
Bev, I think that's the goal, but as I noted yesterday, it's not working with his base -- they won't be happy until he goes all Buddhist Monk and sets himself on fire.
I also don't think the public is impressed at all by political theater, and they aren't going to appreciate any shutdown threats.
Oh well.
BTW, Bev, there is no "WE" in Cruz.
Re: Ted Cruz filibuster: "I am guessing somewhere between "until hell freezes over" to "forever".
So it looks like we are reaching "until hell freezes over" and moving right on into "forever" territory...
Andrew: point well-taken that there is no "We" in Cruz...except he is speaking for many of us who want to make that "red line" of who is responsible very clear. We read it and lobbied against it, we did not vote for it, we did not want any part of it and were left out of the debate anyway, and we have tried repeatedly to warn you, the Dems, of the the major pitfalls. The Dems cannot blame one Republican for the mess we are about to be in. That has to be very clear.
Bev, The Democrats don't need to blame the Republicans because our fringe already lays the blame at their feet. Our fringe openly blames the Republicans for causing it and for refusing to kill it... not a half hour goes by before some radio talker accuses the Republicans of both things. Cruz himself was running ads here last week in which he focused on the Republicans who refused to stand with him.
In addition to that, the Democrats are blaming the Republicans for warping it so it won't work -- though they've soft-pedaled that at this point because they are still claiming it will work.
To clarify, Cruz is now running ads against Obamacare generally, but his first set implied that the Republicans were behind it. He specifically named them as the people who needed to be convinced to stop Obamacare.
Andrew,
With friends like these, who needs enemies?
Kit, Yeah, true. Yesterday was attack Brit Hume and Micheal Barone day in addition to the usual suspects -- McConnell, Boehner, McCain, Graham, etc.
FYI, After his fauxbuster ended, Cruz went on Rush and he and Rush blasted the Republicans... not Obama... the Republicans. Obama's name only came up twice. Instead, they spent the whole time slamming Republicans.
They said:
The Republicans "have no desire to oppose this in any serious way." ... "finally some leadership"... "We're trying to actually stand for the principles that every Republican in the Senate says he or she believes in." then likens Senate Republicans to the WWE wrestling with it all being fake.... sets up a straw man argument about what cutting off debate means and then calls Republicans liars based on argument they aren't making... Rush accuses Republicans of joining with the media to destroy Cruz... Cruz says "Republicans don't want to have to fight this" and "And part of what's so problematic with Washington is how many Republicans want a show vote to pretend to their constituents they're fighting for what they say they're fighting for, rather than actually fighting for it and actually winning."
Rush also attacked both Micheal Barone and Brit Hume... yesterday's fringe targets of choice.
Yeah, with friends like these...
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